Since at least the 1960s, the idea of a Shia cleric-led government had been occupying the mind of the Shia cleric Ruhollah Khomeini. In 1980, his wish came true. For nearly 50 years, Iran has suffered under an authoritarian system led by Shia clerics. As a heap of despotism, the Regime violates every Shia principle of governance and is regularly indicted by human rights organizations for its violent crackdowns on dissent, forced disappearances, and mass executions. In the West, the Iranian Regime has become the scapegoat of “Sharia Law” and Islamic governance. However, while the regime has successfully created new Khomeinist media spaces and silenced critics, it has failed to convince the totality of the Shia world of its credibility. The reality is that the Iranian Regime is not representative of Shia Islam or Shia Islamic governance.
The best laid plan is best laid out by Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib. He is the first, and arguably most important, of the Twelve Shia Imams. Shias claim his rightful succession to the Prophet Muhammad was usurped by a select few of the Prophet’s companions, shaping the single most important distinction between Shias and other Muslims. The Shia Adhan (Call to Prayer) includes the line “Wa Aliyun Wali Allah,” which means “Ali is the friend of God,” and the Prophet described him as being “to me like Aaron to Moses.” Frankly speaking, the words of Imam Ali are religious law in the Shia faith.
During his reign as Caliph, Imam Ali appointed Malik Al Ashtar as the new governor of Egypt and provided him with a letter outlining what ethical governance looks like. Examining the Iranian Revolution and Regime, it is clear that Imam Ali’s advice was not heeded by the Khomeinists. When speaking about the treatment of the citizenry, the Imam exclaimed, “Do not behave with them like a barbarian, and do not appropriate to yourself that which belongs to them.” By contrast, Khomeini’s Revolution was characterized by the confiscation of property without due process and the harassment of dissidents who disagreed with Khomeini. Many within the Shia clerical class, including revered Shia scholar Muhammad Husayn Tabataba'i, took notice of the un-Islamic nature of this so-called “Islamic” Revolution, retorting, "In this revolution, there was one true martyr that was killed, and that martyr was killed unfairly and unjustly. That martyr was Islam itself."
Imam Ali emphasized humility and condemned sliding towards arrogance, saying, “Do not say: 'I am your overlord and dictator, and that you should, therefore, bow to my commands'” as that will corrupt your heart, weaken your faith in religion, and create disorder in the state.” Conversely, Khomeini’s supporters fashioned him as a messianic figure by exploiting a famous proverb from the fourth Shia Imam, who stated that a man would appear from the city of Qom and guide the people. Khomeini strategically used this to create a cult of personality. His newfound political capital was then used to begin a major execution campaign against political dissidents, killing over 3,500. In 1988, his regime carried out an even larger wave of executions against dissidents and non-Muslims. The regime’s “Committees of Death” handed out executions for a variety of reasons, including simply holding different views from the regime. Similarly to the Revolution, some within the Shia clerical class were horrified. Ayatollah Montezari, next in line for the position of Supreme Leader, condemned the executions and highlighted the horrific treatment of prisoners, including the widespread rape of young women in regime prisons. But neither Montezari nor the eternal words of Imam Ali stopped Khomeini’s thirst for blood. Instead, Montezari was demoted and put under house arrest for his insolence.
The Regime’s reign of terror did not end with Khomeini’s death. His successor, Ali Khamenei, reacted to various uprisings calling for reform by violently putting them down, with protestors being arrested, executed, or sexually assaulted by the Basij (internal security forces). The constant shedding of blood to hold on to power was exactly what Imam Ali warned against, saying, “Do not wish to build the strength of your state on blood; it is this blood which ultimately weakens the state.” However, the Regime’s view of Islam was fundamentally different from Imam Ali’s. Khomeini proudly stated, “Islam is a religion of blood…Islam grew with blood.”
Khamenei continued his predecessor’s despotism and helped expand Iran’s influence across the Middle East through war and terrorism. From supporting the slaughter of Syrians by President Bashar al-Assad to targeting Iraqi civilians by its militia proxies, the Regime shed blood with the sole purpose of expanding its reach. Clerics are puppets paid directly by the regime, and mosques are stripped of their solely spiritual purposes and used as Basij militia bases.
However, one must not be dismayed. Not all clerics agree with Khomeini’s vision of power. In the holy city of Najaf, the religious seminaries oppose this system of clerical rule and have restricted Khomeinist imagery from being brought into the holy mosques of Najaf and Karbala in Iraq. In Iran itself, clerics and reformists who continue to oppose the regime are jailed, exiled, and sometimes executed. Shia opposition — along the lines of Imam Ali — exists against this tyrannical regime, and hopefully, its collapse will bring about the fall of Khomeinism as an ideology within the Shia community. Until then, Shias should continue to follow the infallible words retorted by Imam Ali, “Hence it is that God listens to the voice of the oppressed and lies in wait for the oppressor.”
Ayaan Karan is a political science student at UC Berkeley and a Research Associate with the Federalist Society. He writes for New Guard Press and other outlets, focusing on constitutional law, U.S. foreign policy, and the intersection of religion and politics. His work reflects a commitment to American founding principles, national strength, and moral clarity in an increasingly unstable world.
